|
Text of the
speech in Accra, Ghana by President Barack Obama as released by
the White House on July 11, 2009, including their indications of applause.
The speech lasted 30 minutes. |
Personal Commentary: A
conservative American perspective / critique. See also
links to news, comments, and other sources |
|
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE GHANAIAN PARLIAMENT
Accra International Conference Center
Accra, Ghana |
Although characterized by some media and pundit responses as speaking
truth to power in Africa about their political and economic problems,
the main fault of this speech is that it still treats government as the
key to a brighter future, rather than competition. |
| THE
PRESIDENT: (Trumpet plays.) I like this. Thank you. Thank you. I think
Congress needs one of those horns. (Laughter.) That sounds pretty good.
Sounds like Louis Armstrong back there. (Laughter.) |
After
his opening remarks, there were 4 broad themes of the speech and his
African policy focus. #1
democracy - #2 opportunity - #3
health - #4 conflict
resolution |
| Good
afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to
speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. (Applause.) I am
deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle and
Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two
countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to
sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States of America.
(Applause.) |
Ghana
was carefully chosen to be his first place to visit in Africa (other
than Cairo) because it is widely regarded as one of the few success
stories on the continent. Obama is not the first president to
visit and acknowledge this - as Clinton and Bush did. |
| I want
to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of
Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills
for his outstanding leadership. To the former Presidents -- Jerry
Rawlings, former President Kufuor -- Vice President, Chief Justice --
thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the
wonderful institutions that you've built here in Ghana. |
It
serves as a useful contrast with the relative lack of economic progress
and dismal failures elsewhere, although excuses for the differences
abound. |
| I'm
speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a
summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of
the world's leading economies. And I've come here to Ghana for a simple
reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome
or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well.
(Applause.) |
Spoken
like a true internationalist. All together now:
"We are the world".
This introduces his distorted history of Africa, which
seems to reflect "liberation theology" ideas about an exploitative West
in which America did nothing good before Obama arrived on the scene to
save us all. |
| This
is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are
overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's
prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world's
health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance
human rights for people everywhere. |
Yes,
we may share mutual interests, but we also still live in a very
competitive world. It isn't a zero sum game, but the choices they
make will not necessarily be to our advantage, and vice versa. He
was elected president of the United States, not the Secretary General of
the UN or leader of the world. We don't need to apologize for
having our own distinct national interests, and standing up for them. |
| So I
do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see
Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world -- (applause)
-- as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of
our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility
and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about
today. |
We can
work together for mutual benefit, but that is a choice for leaders on
both sides to make. It is not a matter of loyalty to some grand
new world order. It is a competitive market - like a negotiation.
Our goal isn't simply to reach agreements and appear to be friends.
We're not imposing our will, but we should not start a dialogue by
conceding that their every perceived grievance is somehow our fault, and
that we must do something to compensate them for it. |
| We
must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to
Africans. I say this knowing full well the
tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After
all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's -- (applause)
-- my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of
the larger African story. |
No
applause for pandering. Just for family ties to Africa, even
though he has done little for them. Other parts
of the world have also had their tragic periods. They eventually
did something about it. They didn't wait and expect the rest of
the world to do it for them, as if they deserved better treatment.
Why continue to treat Africans as victims who are
entitled to special treatment, like affirmative action programs for aid
to sustain failed governments? |
| Some
you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though
he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy"
for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation
struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times.
In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders
or unfair terms of trade -- it was something experienced personally, day
after day, year after year. |
The
colonial experience was not unique to Africa, in case he has forgotten.
We actually did a lot to put an end to it.
President Eisenhower supported the independence movements in Africa even
when he disagreed with them, as in the case of Algeria. The Suez
Crisis in 1956, shortly before the independence of Ghana, is noteworthy.
It might be nice to at least mention that.
Rather than just carve up the world into new empires after we emerged
from World War II as a nuclear superpower, we stood up for the freedom
of others. Why is that history neglected? Can't we
acknowledge it? |
| My
father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance
away from the American universities where he would come to get an
education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for
Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth
to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. (Applause.) Africans were
educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the
move. |
Colonialism didn't just disappear by accident.
It was defeated. The European powers were no longer able to
sustain such empires, and we did not step in to use our own power to
replace them. We supported many of the liberation movements around
the world despite the risks to our own interests, or the many
shortcomings of these new governments. We supported their freedom
from foreign tyranny, even if they soon chose to replace it with their
own. |
| But
despite the progress that has been made -- and there has been
considerable progress in many parts of Africa -- we also know that much
of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per
capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born. They have
badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the
African continent. |
Interesting comparison. Why has South Korea done
better than Kenya?
Why has North Korea done worse in the same place, with
similar people and resources at the start?
Governments matter, but strong ones can fail.
The key is what people outside of government can do. |
| In
many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism,
even despair. Now, it's easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of
these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense
helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a
patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is
not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the
last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my
father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an
independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we
know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far
too many. |
Is
this really a strong points of the speech, as some in the US media have
suggested from their own perspective? Will Africans perceive it
that way? Where was the applause during this section?
It acknowledges that past colonialism is no longer an
excuse for current failures. It criticizes the role of the "West"
in Africa in the past, but then tries to balance that against recent
failures which cannot be attributed to that legacy, such as the collapse
of the economy of Zimbabwe or other problems.
It then diminishes that message, however, by just
reverting to the personal narrative and vague references to corruption,
tribalism, patronage and nepotism. These are treated as an
unfortunate "daily fact of life", instead of keeping a sharp focus on
the more harmful abuses of power by governments. |
| Now,
we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a
face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only
tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to
put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of
power even in the wake of closely contested elections. (Applause.) And
by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit
as the majority. (Applause.) And with improved governance and an
emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of
growth. (Applause.) |
Yes,
Ghana can congratulate itself as one of the relative success stories of
Africa. That recognition earned repeated
applause.
Politicians are glad to acknowledge praise, even if it
is just a rhetorical device to introduce criticism of others in Africa
(not themselves, of course) after a little more criticism of America to
soften the blow. This endless moral equivalency in his speeches is
really getting ridiculous. The "apology tour" goes on. |
| This
progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but
make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it
is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even
more important to build one's own nation. |
Once
again, African "liberation struggles" are treated as though we played no
role at all in their success. It also fails to
recognize that, unfortunately, many of those liberation movements soon
turned to the socialist model that was in vogue at the time, and tried
to use Cold War conflicts to their advantage.
That strategy was a dismal failure, but explains why
many have done about as well as North Korea, rather than
South Korea. China eventually figured it out by
around 1980 that this approach was failing, especially as the Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe collapsed economically from within. Many
leaders in Africa clung to their failed post-liberation policies. |
| So I
believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa
as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being
born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we've
learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will
determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you -- the men and women
in Ghana's parliament -- (applause) -- the people you represent. It will
be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can
claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized. |
The
young people of their time were very much in favor of the "big men" of
African liberation movements and the failed policies their governments
imposed. Nkrumah was an American-educated socialist.
If the focus remains on young people getting more
involved in government programs, rather than in individual
entrepreneurship and competitive business, why should we expect better
outcomes? Creating a larger government bureaucracy with some new
big ideas to mandate at other people's expense is not the solution.
Does Obama get it? Apparently not. |
| Now,
to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth
that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good
governance. (Applause.) That is the ingredient which has been missing in
far too many places, for far too long. That's the change that can unlock
Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by
Africans. |
Good
governance is a minimal requirement, rather than the solution.
State planned economies have repeatedly failed miserably despite good
intentions and lots of wasted resources. There
have been some very dynamic economies which have made a lot of progress
despite lousy and corrupt governance. The outcome may have been
suboptimal, but better governance alone is not what drives economic
progress. |
| As for
America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just
the dollars we spend. I've pledged substantial increases in our foreign
assistance, which is in Africa's interests and America's interests. But
the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid
that helps people scrape by -- it's whether we are partners in building
the capacity for transformational change. (Applause.) |
"Capacity-building" is a popular euphemism for UN and World Bank
initiatives in Africa these days. Although there are some
charitable and "social entrepreneur" initiatives which put more focus on
individuals, as in the case of micro-lending or some health programs,
there is still a strong focus among governmental and multilateral
institutions on government projects such as "infrastructure". Some
of these are essential projects, but they still feed a culture of
dependency on central government. |
| This
mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And
today, I'll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of
Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health,
and the peaceful resolution of conflict. |
This
introduces the 4 broad themes of the remainder of the speech and his
African policy focus. #1
democracy - #2 opportunity - #3
health - #4 conflict
resolution |
First,
we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments.
(Applause.)
As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way,
and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict:
Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by
consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable, and
more successful than governments that do not. |
#1 - Support strong and sustainable democratic
governments Refer to his
Cairo speech, with comments.
Note his response to Iranian
elections after that.
He has been reaching out to tyrants around the world.
The strong democracies seem unimpressed. |
| This
is about more than just holding elections. It's also about what happens
between elections. (Applause.) Repression can take many forms, and too
many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems
that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create
wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves --
(applause) -- or if police -- if police can be bought off by drug
traffickers. (Applause.) No business wants to invest in a place where
the government skims 20 percent off the top -- (applause) -- or the head
of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society
where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery.
(Applause.) That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even
if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time
for that style of governance to end. (Applause.) |
One
reference to tyranny in the whole speech. None
to "tyrant" or "dictator".
None to "ruler" or "authoritarian".
None to "despot" or "despotism".
It's all just applause lines, carefully avoiding
direct reference to any specific regimes in Africa, despite a few
oblique references to their atrocities. These are treated like a
series of unfortunate events which just happened somehow, rather than
systematic abuses of government power.
"That style of governance" - corruption, brutality.
At least he acknowledged some of the abuses of power. |
| In the
21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the
key to success -- strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent
judges -- (applause); an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a
civil society. (Applause.) Those are the things that give life to
democracy, because that is what matters in people's everyday lives. |
At
least he remembered to briefly mention the private sector, despite his
obvious focus on government and "civil society".
There was no real emphasis on the private sector,
however, as the demonstrable key to development in so many countries
around the world which have actually managed to achieve progress,
regardless of the form or quality of government. For example,
transparency in government has hardly been a key to the success of China
in the last 30 years. |
| Now,
time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over
autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your
people to break through. (Applause.) We see that in leaders who accept
defeat graciously -- the fact that President Mills' opponents were
standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane
spoke volumes about Ghana -- (applause); victors who resist calls to
wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in
courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to
report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped
prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. (Applause.) We see it in
the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and
participating in the political process. |
How
ironic to talk about bipartisanship rather than vindictive attacks on
opposition leaders in Ghana. I guess that
"unfair ways" is the distinction in DC.
Or perhaps the willingness to "accept defeat
graciously". Let's test that here in 2010.
The partisan political attacks on Republicans must be
classified as "fair" by this logic just because they are not as
physically brutal or lethal, or rarely lead to imprisonment on spurious
scandal allegations.
The "speaking up against patronage" line may have
raised a few eyebrows back here in Chicago. |
| Across
Africa, we've seen countless examples of people taking control of their
destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where
civil society and business came together to help stop post-election
violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the
country voted in the recent election -- the fourth since the end of
Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network
braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's
vote is their sacred right. |
Wait a
minute. The election in Zimbabwe is a success story? What
convoluted logic is this? The fact that people
tried in vain to stand up to that government, and were beaten into
submission to accept a fraudulent victory by the Mugabe regime, is
hardly a good example for the rest of Africa.
People do sometimes try to stand up to tyranny, but
African leaders have often defended their fellow tyrants rather than the
people they oppress. |
| Now,
make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not
with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power.
(Applause.) Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.
(Applause.) |
Absolutely wrong! Africa doesn't need "strong institutions".
Africa inherited and largely adopted the colonial model of authoritarian
rule by a strong central government with little direct accountability to
the people under their rule. It needs a strong base of local
business and personal responsibility, including effective checks on
central government power. It doesn't need stronger bureaucracies
which will somehow be expected to perform better with greater power and
resources than when their capabilities to do harm were constrained by
their own failures. |
| Now,
America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other
nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines
its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for
responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on
supporting good governance -- on parliaments, which check abuses of
power and ensure that opposition voices are heard -- (applause); on the
rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic
participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete
solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services
-- (applause) -- strengthening hotlines, protecting whistle-blowers to
advance transparency and accountability. |
This
seems at first glance to be a continuation of the concept launched by
George W Bush through the "Millennium Challenge Account" approach, which
concentrated foreign aid on countries which were demonstrably making
progress on key issues. In short, countries
needed to compete for aid rather than simply expect it as an entitlement
program to transfer wealth from rich to poor nations on the socialist
pretext that this was more fair and just.
The question is how "responsible individuals and
responsible institutions" will now be redefined. |
| And we
provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater
attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere
should have the right to start a business or get an education without
paying a bribe. (Applause.) We have a responsibility to support those
who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly
what America will do. |
Will
progress against corruption become a metric for aid decisions? It
sounds good, but reality is more complicated because corruption is hard
to define and measure, and is not limited to bad regimes. There
may be corruption as well as human rights abuses in regimes which are
otherwise doing good things. It is even harder to measure progress
at the reduction of corruption, because it may just adopt new forms.
It's lofty rhetoric for applause, but don't expect much. |
| Now,
this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting
development that provides opportunity for more people. |
#2 - Supporting development "that provides
opportunity for more people" |
| With
better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a
broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of
Africans in my country, America. They're doing very well. So they've got
the talent, they've got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how
do we make sure that they're succeeding here in their home countries?
The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone
entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and
commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also
be broken. Dependence on commodities -- or a single export -- has a
tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves
people too vulnerable to downturns. |
Wrong! Wrong! Wrong! The key to
success isn't government, and the key to failure hasn't been reliance on
commodity exports or as innocent victims of other adverse external
factors.
African-Americans aren't doing well because of their
government. They are finally doing better through their increased
role in the private sector. There is no doubt that the power of
government to do harm was a factor in their lack of progress in America
for many decades, and many still suffer from their lousy local
governments. The point is that private sector careers and hard
work, rather than endless reliance on government programs, has turned
their lives around. |
| So in
Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been
very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians
know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to
Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their
people and in their infrastructure -- (applause); when they promote
multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create
space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs. |
The
references to South Korea and Singapore are interesting examples, since
neither has grown to prosperity through the value of natural resources.
Perhaps reference to Dubai is out of favor these days as an example of a
country reinvesting oil wealth. In that context,
why is his focus on "export industries" rather than trade and
investment? The "export-led" development model has been popular
with statist governments because it is politically attractive. It
has fed corruption and greater business dependence on ties to those in
government.
In the case of South Korea, government played a major
role in the growth of the chaebols - not exactly a development model of
small business growth and free competition. Like Taiwan and some
other countries in Asia, including China, there was a lot of government
intervention through industrial policy and protectionism.
Singapore and Hong Kong followed very different paths to development. |
| As
Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in
extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and
administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who
need it, while training people to do more for themselves. (Applause.)
That's why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new
methods and technologies for farmers -- not simply sending American
producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose
of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it's no
longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food,
I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money.
You can do that. (Applause.) |
You'll
get no argument here about the "Beltway bandits" and other special
interest groups who have fed off the US government aid programs.
Some have been an outrageous waste of US government money, while others
have done very valuable work even if the cost may seem to be
unjustifiably high. Frankly, the US government procurement
practices as well as the influence of members of Congress on such deals
can contribute to waste and mismanagement despite good intentions.
It's not all fraud or corruption. A lot of the problem is simply
that this is the nature of how inefficiently all government
bureaucracies operate. There is more tolerance of wasted time and
money than in business because it is other people's money. Failure
can actually attract more resources. |
| Now,
America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy
nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a
meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And
where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through
public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity;
capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial
services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural
areas. This is also in our own interests -- for if people are lifted out
of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will
open up for our own goods. So it's good for both. |
There
is reference here to "trade and investment", but the context is once
again to blame us for keeping our markets closed in some "meaningful
way" which he will allegedly change, without really being very clear
about what he means by this. The politically
popular rhetoric about "public-private partnerships" and
"capacity-building" still seems to focus on expanding the reach of
central government power down to the local level. This is
dangerously close to statist fascism, in which business becomes a tool
of unchecked government power. There is an absence of any comment
about how to create a better business climate for trade and investment
apart from government intervention or "partnerships". |
| One
area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is
energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the
world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet
will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating
conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us --
particularly the developed world -- have a responsibility to slow these
trends -- through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use
energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into
opportunity. |
How
did this climate change stuff get crammed into the part of the speech
about development and providing more opportunity for people?
Note that it didn't attract any applause.
It may be high on his US political agenda, but it
isn't clear that it was high on their agenda in Ghana. |
|
Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and
help countries increase access to power while skipping -- leapfrogging
the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there
is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From
the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to
South Africa's crops -- Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate
its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad. |
Didn't
this start with a discussion about investing their oil and gas resources
wisely? Is he trying to persuade them to invest
in other forms of energy production?
Why isn't there any mention of those natural
resources, and their development? |
| These
steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're
about whether a young person with an education can get a job that
supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an
entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the
dignity of work; it's about the opportunity that must exist for Africans
in the 21st century. |
Are we
back to denigrating profits again? What's wrong
with "growth numbers on a balance sheet"? That's what supports the
tax revenues which make government services possible. That's what
creates sustainable jobs - not government work for the latest big social
program ideas at somebody else's expense. Is the "dignity of work"
limited to the work which he thinks serves the "civil society"? |
| Just
as governance is vital to opportunity, it's also critical to the third
area I want to talk about: strengthening public health. |
#3 - Strengthening public health |
| In
recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far
more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs
they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused
particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases
that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a
mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that
more progress must be made. |
|
| Yet
because of incentives -- often provided by donor nations -- many African
doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a
single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic
prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible
choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public
health in their communities and countries. |
Accepting blame for the "brain drain". |
| So
across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In
Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an
example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across
Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care -- for
instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities
to support those in small towns. |
|
|
America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global
health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by
our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child
dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere.
And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that
it can spread across oceans and continents. |
What
is this "comprehensive, global health strategy" he is now talking about?
Who will lead or pay for it? Americans and
volunteers from many other countries have led the fight against diseases
in Africa and around the world for many decades. There is always
room for improvement, but will the expansion of the role of government
solve these problems efficiently? Or will it just expand
government waste? |
| And
that's why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these
challenges -- $63 billion. (Applause.) Building on the strong efforts of
President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We
will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and
we will work to eradicate polio. (Applause.) We will fight -- we will
fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in
isolation -- we will invest in public health systems that promote
wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. (Applause.) |
Finally - some recognition of the fact that President Bush did a lot for
Africa during his tenure. This offer of $63 billion in aid woke
them up again for some applause, after none for a while.
At least he didn't attribute it all to Bono and Bill
Gates, but he might have also acknowledged some of the other world
leaders involved as well as the many charitable organizations.
Instead, his focus remains on government as the solution. |
| Now,
as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the
destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings -- and so
the final area that I will address is conflict. |
|
| Let me
be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual
war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part
of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over
resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to
manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes. |
#4 Conflict resolution
Yes, politicians readily stir up conflicts to advance
their own personal power ambitions.
That's not unique to Africa. |
| These
conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. Now, we all have many
identities -- of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But
defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different
tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st
century. (Applause.) Africa's diversity should be a source of strength,
not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common
aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to access education and
opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith.
That is our common humanity. |
Unfortunately, tolerance of diversity is not a tradition of many
countries. This rhetoric may sound good, but
means little. |
| That
is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never
justified -- never justifiable to target innocents in the name of
ideology. (Applause.) It is the death sentence of a society to force
children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and
cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear
witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every
woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages
against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security
necessary for progress. |
So,
why hasn't he said this to the Iranians lately?
He mentions a few of the atrocities, but the list could certainly go on.
He mentions that this is a "systemic" problem without
directly attributing it to governments or their leaders. That's
like saying that crime happens, and is bad. It says nothing about
how to put a stop to it. |
|
Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are
seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in
your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon --
(applause) -- and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade.
(Applause.) We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations
like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep
the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a
strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective,
transnational forces to bear when needed. |
He
acknowledges some progress in Ghana, for which they applaud themselves
again. The line about "the vision of a strong,
regional security architecture" is unclear, but seems to be a reference
to the recent African Union initiative led by
Muammar Qaddafi of Libya. It remains to be seen whether that
"transnational force" idea will work any better as a solution to
conflicts in Africa, rather than as a new forum for the tyrants to
dominate. |
|
America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance
this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens
African capacity. When there's a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in
Somalia, these are not simply African problems -- they are global
security challenges, and they demand a global response. |
These
problems "demand a global response"? They have
been around for a very long time now, and there has been no eagerness
shown among global leaders to do anything more than talk about them.
The G8 summit showed no signs of change, other than agreement to talk
again and again and again. |
| And
that's why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical
assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to
hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command
is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on
confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America,
Africa, and the world. (Applause.) |
Will
the "Africa Command" be expected to play a role in support of the
African Union? How is that going to work? So far, NATO rules
of engagement with the Somali
pirates don't even include arresting and holding them when captured.
Instead, they have repeated followed a "catch and release" policy on the
basis of having no legal authority to hold them. US forces must
not be subordinated to such lunacy. |
| In
Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the
universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those
rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those
who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't,
and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant
democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of
conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity. |
A
deserved tip of the hat to Botswana, too. Note
that Russia didn't agree with what he said. |
As I
said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country,
African Americans -- including so many recent immigrants -- have thrived
in every sector of society. We've done so despite a difficult past, and
we've drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions
and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi
and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra.
(Applause.) |
Starting to wrap it up. Back to the "strong
institutions" line.
|
| You
know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young
preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the
Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the
march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my
country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a
nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of
justice." |
Actually, they were on the Suez Crisis, the Cold War (Poland, Hungary,
Eisenhower Doctrine, SEATO), Sputnik, etc. The independence of
Ghana was a major step for sub-Saharan Africa, and soon was followed by
many others, but it's a bit of a stretch to assert that "the eyes of the
world were on Ghana". There were lots of other important events
around the world that year. Few Americans probably paid much
attention to the independence of Ghana, or even to Martin Luther King at
that early stage of his life. |
| Now
that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you.
(Applause.) And I am particularly speaking to the young people all
across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young
people make up over half of the population. |
|
| And
here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You
have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build
institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities,
and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new
connections to the world. You can conquer disease, and end conflicts,
and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can --
(applause) -- because in this moment, history is on the move. |
"...
build institutions that serve the people". Note
that there's no reference to business, even though business prospers by
efficiently serving the needs of people.
Instead, the implicit focus is still on young people
getting more involved in local government activism, like community
organizers. |
| But
these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your
future. And it won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will
be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be
with you every step of the way -- as a partner, as a friend. (Applause.)
Opportunity won't come from any other place, though. It must come from
the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope
that you hold in your heart. |
More
rhetoric - back to campaign speech mode. |
| Ghana,
freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build
upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from
now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was
realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was
overcome, and a new era of progress began. |
Why is
this a special moment? Because he is visiting?
What about all the progress which they were making
already before he showed up to acknowledge it? |
| This
can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we
can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you. (Applause.) |
The
"triumph of justice once more"? What is that
supposed to mean? What injustice was being addressed by his
remarks? What has he actually proposed to do to change anything? |
